Marginalization Of Taaloki Ethnic Due To Development Of Information Technology

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Marginalization Of Taaloki Ethnic Due To Development Of Information Technology
Anwar Hafid, Mursidin T, Pendais Haq, Ramly, Aisyah
Abstract:Taaloki Ethnic is originated from Bungku and due to a civil war they moved to Buton Sultanate in the end of the 16th century but then they moved again to Wakalambe village because they did not want to bow to the Sultan of Buton. Their next migration occurs in 1906 due to disease outbreaks that lead to the Maligano Village, their current settlement. The Taaloki ethnic considers themselves as not a free agent and to maintain a balance with the cosmos, they are guided by traditional habits that consist of various rituals. Data in 2018 indicate that the ethnic population is 1,261 people and only four of them held a bachelor’s degree. Their socio-economic life depends on agriculture. They conduct nomadic farming for land cultivation. In every season, from soil cultivation to harvest, ceremonies are conducted to worship the Rice God. They obtain protein by raising cattle, goat and chicken, fishing, hunting deer and anoa and catching a variety of birds.
Keywords: Marginalization, Taaloki Ethnic, socio-culture, socio-economy, migration.
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1. INTRODUCTION
ndonesian archipelago has various ethnics and each has their own characteristics. Empirical studies have found several ethnic groups; some references, however, indicate that there are still some ethnic groups or sub-ethnics that experience uncertainty and even a threat that their identity could lost in the distribution of ethnic in Indonesia. There are four main ethnic groups in Southeast Sulawesi that are early arrivals, namely: Tolaki, Muna, Buton dan Moronene (Tarimana, 1994; Tamburaka, 2015). The existence of sub-ethnic groups is not clearly recorded in terms of their number and presence despite their clear and accessible position and activity as well as their roles in local development. One of sub-ethnic portrait that plays a role and has their characteristic is “Taaloki Ethnic”. The Taaloki ethnic group is a descendant of Bungku-Tolaki and they include in Bungku Family and Kulisusu sub-family (Mead, 1999). Their settlement in Maligano village is physically located in Buton Island areas; it is administratively, however, located in Muna Regency. Muna Regency is inhibited by various ethnic groups and one of them is Taaloki Ethnic that lives in Maligano Village. Taaloki Ethnic has different traditions and languages from Muna and Buton yet they have similarity to Tolaki and Bungku. It proves that the ethnic has interacted with both ethnics. The phenomenon is in line with an opinion that Taaloki Ethnic comes from Bungku,
Central Sulawesi that migrates to Buton Sultanate in the end of the 16th century during the era of Sultan La Elangi Dayanu Ihsanuddin (Hafid, 2017). For two centuries they lived near the Sultan of Buton palace but then they left the castle neighborhood for Wakalambe Village since they challenged the Sultan of Buton. In 1906 the ethnic re-migrated to Maligano Village due to disease outbreaks in Wakalambe. Their existence is unknown and they even experience marginalization and, borrowing a term from Gayatri, they become the second class ethnic in the life of the surrounding ethnic groups (Hafid, 2018). Marginal people could be translated as a minority group who are unable to keep up with the ambition of the times and has no room to meet their human potentials. Sociologically marginal is when a group of people do not receive fair treatment sponsored by ethnical differences. Ecologically marginal occurs when a group of people are unable to use their natural resources fairly (Saputra, 2019). There are two factors causing marginal. First, marginal group is structurally marginalized due to policies conducted by the market authority as well as government. Second, cultural factor, in this case it is related to the Taaloki Ethnic generation inability to compete in life. Regardless the two contradict factors on the birth of marginalized people critical awareness becomes an important point of the transformation of marginal people into an empowered people. The lack of critical awareness among Taaloki people has made them to rely on others and they see life as something that must be lived and ended by God’s natural law. Awareness process on humanity and efforts to be free from marginal identity environment must be continued. The awareness process leads to a dynamic freedom concept and a more complete humanity or an awareness level where each individual could see social system critically (Freire, 2008). Marginal people could not achieve their own awareness based on their own efforts and they need social elite (Gramsci, 2000). When a mass has been influenced by social elite’s ideas they will take action that brings social revolution. The social elite consist of all community layers that play a role as an organizer and provide ideas that enlighten the promotion of marginal community dignity. The Taaloki ethnic group is one of marginal groups in the middle of Muna and Buton ethnic groups. Their socio-cultural and economic life is underdeveloped compared to the two main ethnics in their surroundings. Their existence is actually
I ____________________ Anwar Hafid is Professor from Department of History Education, Faculty of Teaching Training and Education, Halu Oleo University, Kendari 93232, Indonesia Ph.: +6285241529993 email. anwarhapide61@gmail.com. Mursidin T is senior lecturer from Department of History Education, Faculty of Teaching Training and Education, Halu Oleo University. Kendari 93232, Indonesia Ph.: +6281341624101 email: mursyid2455@yahoo.com Pendais Haq is senior lecturer from Department of History Education, Faculty of Teaching Training and Education, Halu Oleo University. Kendari 93232, Indonesia Ph.: +6282271299603 email: pendaishaq@gmail.com Ramly is senior lecturer from Department of Economy Education, Faculty of Teaching Training and Education, Halu Oleo University. Kendari 93232, Indonesia Ph.: +6281341575655 email: ramlyfkip@uho.ac.id Aisyah is senior lecturer from Department of Early Childhood Teacher Education, Faculty of Teaching Training and Education, Halu Oleo University. Kendari 93232, Indonesia Ph: +6281294880504 email: aisyah@yahoo.co.id
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earlier than both other ethnics. In terms of number, the Taaloki ethnic group is larger yet their social life up to now is hopeless in the middle of information technology advancement. Average farming land area owned by the Taaloki ethnic is 1.4 ha/family with nomadic farming system. Empirical study on the ethnic is a necessity to bring out their awareness as well as others to develop critical awareness. The Taaloki ethnic community really needs social change actor who could instill modernity virus (McClelland, 1961). The virus is expected to bring empowerment in socio-cultural, economic and political fields.
2. RESEARCH METHOD
The research was conducted at Maligano Village, Muna Regency, which is one of Taaloki Ethnic settlements as a research subject. The research was a qualitative-naturalistic research. Informant determination was conducted using purposive sampling that consisted of each public figure and customary figures. Data collection was done through: in-depth interview to both figure groups of the Taaloki Ethnic, Muna Ethnic and Buton Ethnic and non-participant observation that conducted on daily activities of the Taaloki Ethnic. The research data analysis used interactive analysis model (Miles dan Huberman, 2015) with four steps, namely: data reduction, data display and conclusion/verification. The data validation technique was done using five types: observation persistence, member verification, peer discussion, method triangulation and data source triangulation.
3. RESULT AND DISCUSSION
3.1. The Origin of Taaloki Ethnic
The Taaloki ethnic is originated from Bungku, Central Sulawesi that migrated to the Buton Sultanate area in the end of the 16th century. They left thier homeland because of a conflict. Although the ethnic has left the Buton Sultanate since long time, their language is different from Wolio language (Buton) but they adopt many of the Wolio cultures. The Taaloki ethnic left Buton in the middle of the 18th century because they did not want to bow to the order of Sultan of Buton. Their next migration destination was Kampung Wakalambe, Buton Regency. They lived there for 1.5 century. Their presence in the area was short due to disease outbreaks in the area. In 1906, the ethnic along with Koroni Ethnic walked along the Buton Island land. The Koroni Ethnic arrived at Koroni Valley and settled in the area, whereas the Taaloki ethnic continued their journey along the Buton Island land and arrived at Kali Motowe and developed their village in the area. The name of Kampung Motewe changed into Maligano. The Taaloki ethnic is the first population in the Maligano Village until now and is the majority population of the village. At present, the ethnic group who live in the village consists of 124 heads of family and 150 heads of family if it is added with mix marriage. The majority of the ethnic work as farmer or traditional fisherman and as a stone breaker, the stone is going to be used as building material. The ethnic has a very small population (Bungku-Tolaki and Kulisusu sub-ethnic descent) and only found in Maligano Village not in any other places. Transportation used to reach the village from Rahalbu Kota Muna Regency is traditional boat (katinting-in local language). The travel time from Laino Port in Raha City (the capital city of Muna Regency) to Maligano is 1.5 hours. Now, there are fast boats that operate once a day and the travel time is only 30 minutes. The Maligano Village population, based on 2018 data, consists of 1,261 people, 592 male and 663 female. The population includes 297 heads of family of eight ethnic groups, as indicated in Table 1.
TABLE 1
NUMBER OF HEAD OF FAMILY (KK) BASED ON ETHNIC IN MALIGANO VILLAGE IN 2018
No
Ethnic
Number of KK
1
Taaloki
134
2
Muna
82
3
Buton
40
4
Tolaki
6
5
Bajo
20
6
Bugis-Makassar
6
7
Toraja
3
8
Javanese
6
Total
297
Public facilities and infrastructures in Maligano village include: mosque, elementary schools, markets, soccer field, Bank Rakyat Indonesia, port and roads that connect Muna Regency areas on Buton Island, North Buton Regency and Bau-Bau City.
3.2 Socio-Culture
The Taaloki Ethnic has three traditional positions, namely: Mokole, Bhonto and Imam. The three positions only last for the fourth generation after they settle in Maligano. The traditional position has lost due to the change in their settlement status into Maligano Village in 1961. The socio-cultural strata of the ethnic have similarity to Muna ethnic group that consists of three strata, namely: Kaomu, walaka, and ata. "Mokole (Raja) is a Kaomu group, including a title of La Ode for male and Wa Ode for female (Hafid, 2018). Overtime, the three positions in the Taaloki Ethnic structure is no longer existed. In the past, the ethnic had a close relation with its environment since they had a view that life in this world is not free but they have to maintain balance and harmony with the cosmos. As stated by Wessing (1978) that human is not an independent agent in the cosmos but they serve as a part of a bigger whole where they are socialized. It includes people and entities that do not look like a spirit who live among them and the ancestor spirit. In order to maintain balance with the cosmos, the ethnic is usually guided by habits inherited from their ancestors for generations. Customs including rituals, obligations and prohibitions are used as a guidance to achieve a better life. Therefore, it is not surprising that the traditional Taaloki ethnic believes in supernatural things, such as: (1) the power of the dead, (2) the power of hounted places and (3) gods and goddesses (Mustapa, 1985). By respecting and maintaining the harmony of human relations with the cosmos will bring safety. On the contrary, if the natural environment is not respected and maintained, various disasters will afflict human being, such as: harvest failure, flood, drought, and so on. The phenomenon is similar to those found in the Taaloki ethnic group that maintains their religious character values originated from agricultural system (Anwar, 2018). The Taaloki ethnic does not view human being based on their physical weight, instead they view them in terms of their attitude, behavior and action. If their attitude, behavior and action are in accordance
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to the traditional norms and they follow their ancestor teachings, then they are the true human. Detail on the real human quality includes: mekama maasiako (loving fellow human being), pesawa motiu (generous, helping, forgiving); sabara (patient, simple, not exaggerate), pediu moika (politeness) and moatoro (good at putting things in the right tract); memori pengaanako (careful, behave accordingly); and motontomako (respect) (Hafid, 2018). Planting ceremony series have traditional instrument that each to be used as: (1) forest area, land to be planted, (2) ritual instrument in each ceremony, (3) warning signs to protect plants; and (4) bind the production tools. The Taaloki ethnic group feels safe and secure in their life along with their traditional instruments. It is in line with an opinion that considers religion as a symbol (Geertz, 1973). Customary instruments also have religious function, which is a reciprocal communication symbol between human and God, especially Rice Goddess. According to the ethnic’s belief, without the relationship system, they and their plant will not be blessed by God. Their relationship principle is not only manifested through traditional instruments but also through real actions. Their expectation is that the plants will produce abundance fruits. It is expressed through spells or prayers during the ceremony that is led by a shaman. All agricultural activities from planting process to harvesting in one season last for six months (Sarasin 1905; Klift 1922). In the daily life, the ethnic admits several prohibitions. They assume that people must live a simple life and stay away from modern life. The Taaloki ethnic is afraid of being misled by the globalization effects that could give opportunity for other cultures to enter and cause social-environmental problems that might erase traditional knowledge and wisdom. In the end, many communities found solution and become strong by collecting their problem collectively, returning the remaining traditional wisdom and knowledge and integrating new knowledge (Mungmachon, 2012). Before the enactment of Village Law in 1961, a term used by the ethnic to understand the village is o kampo with mansuana (head, elder) as the leader. Besides the head of kampung, a kampung is also assisted by a number of staffs, namely: pabitara (spokesman), wakil kapala kampo (deputy of head of kampung), tolousea (spokesman of marriage affairs), mantama (head of security), o tadu (intelligence), tusawuta (agriculture instructure), mbusehe (agriculture shaman), bisano pae (rice shaman), and bisano panaki (shaman who treats sick people). Initially, the ethnic built their houses in mountain’s foot around the agricultural complex. After the entry of Dutch Imperialism, they built their settlement in a rectangle pattern stretching along the road. A worship house and the house of the head of kampong were located in the middle of their settlement. In the beginning of the 20th century, a transformation occurred in the Taaloki house architecture. It was marked with the changes in the old houses with wooden pillars embedded in the ground into houses with square wooden poles placed on the stone foundation. The existence of the Taaloki ethnic cultures is similar to those occurs in Thailand on tangible cultural heritage, for example: residence and building are preserved. On the contrary, the intangible cultural heritage that includes socio-economic structure and way of life has changed due to economic development (Prompayuk & Chairatananonda, 2017). There are people, however, who could protect environment and values determined by the communities and they are interested in the area conservation according to the community desire. Higaonon case in Mindanao Philippines indicates that the ownership of communal ancestor domain instrument is not automatically related to a support to manage environment or is socially enforced (Drbohlav & Hejkrlik, 2017). It is important to use traditional instruments that adapt to the era; thus, knowledge systems and skills obtained from socio-cultural life become the main capital in navigating the daily life. A local cultural-rooted learning seems effective, such as Chinese language learning perspective in Mexico where Chinese teachers develop characters as a communication tool since they develop intelligent and efficiency, whereas the Mexican teachers require assistance to develop characters related to independent learning technique and independent experiences (Yu & Lozano, 2017). In fact, local cultures and values grow in the Taaloki ethnic is degrading. It is subdued and eroded by modernization development that tends to conduct hegemony of knowledge and mainstream values. It is in this condition that the ethnic experiences marginalization. Values that supposed to be the power for the community development are not implemented, especially character building.
The importance of local culture according to Sukadaria (2019) could build children characters through socialization or by socializing with others. Educational commitment in the program is relevant in finding answer that is socially designed and responsive to the needs and social group support. Hence, teacher’s teaching commitment in marginalized community gives strong contribution to improve the community quality (Molina-Fernández, 2017). Based on data of Maligano Village population in 2018, there were 1.261 people, 21 of them held a bachelor’s degree, but only four of those who had the degree came from Taaloki Ethnic.
TABLE 2.
POPULATION DISTRIBUTION OF MALIGANO VILLAGE BASED ON EDUCATION IN 2018
No
Formal Education
Total
1
Bachelor’s degree/ S1/D4
21
2
D2
11
3
Senior High School (SMA)/ equal
226
4
Junior High School (SMP)/ equal
215
5
Elementary School (SD)/ equal
277
6
Nor graduated from SD
511
Total
1261
3.3 Socio-economy
The Taaloki ethnic livelihood is farming (semi-traditional with dry-land paddy, corn, tubers, banana, coconut, cashew, and cocoa), traditional fisherman and stone breaker. In addition, they performed side jobs as cow, goat and chicken breeders. In the old age, the ethnic was highly depended on their land and they obtained hundreds of bunches of rice production in each harvest (Mead, 1999). They have rituals to open a new land or in welcoming a new season that changes from west to east. The ritual of opening new land is a prayer called Bhatata. The ritual aims to have an abundance harvest. Likewise, during the change from east season to west season, a dzikir (pray) is conducted around the village (Hafid, 2018). Land cultivation is only conducted for two seasons and then new land is open. It is aimed to maintain the environment. The farming location is a complex that consists of a number of adjacent land plots. To facilitate works at the field and due to the village complex location that is far from the agricultural complex, each household that joins in the farming build a house in the middle of the agricultural complex that looks to be
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side by side. This type of house is only built for temporary during the two harvest seasons. During a time when they have less food, they will eat ondo (sweet potato) that grows wild in the forest. The rice agricultural system is based on a strong cultural morality. The economic system of the traditional Taaloli ethnic is strongly influenced by socio-cultural factors (Granovetter, 1992; Hefner, 1990). The rice agricultural system is not merely for profit but it is full with their ancestor’s moral foundation (Mustapa, 1985). Protein intake is provided by raising cattles, goats and chicken in addition to fishing and hunting deers and anoa. They could also catch a variety of poultries such as forest chicken and various birds. Deers and anoa are caught by using dogs, installing bamboo mine, digging a hole in the ground, installing a snare and using a real chicken as bait. Tools used for fishing are fishing rods, pukat and tuba (from roots obtained from the forest). Transportation mode used is sampan/perahu batang (canoe/dugout) that use paddles and sampan that use katinting machine. The fishing area in the territorial waters is limited to areas around their settlement. It is due to their limited fishing facilities and infrastructures. The fishing activity is conducted to fulfill their protein needs, to be sold and as their ancestor tradition. The condition is not supported by knowledge and skills and less support from the cultural spirit. Changes in the socio-economic aspect are not only related to the material process but also in moral (Hefner, 1990). Areas that are previously used as farming and hunting, swamp and riverside for fishing area as well as land that full of plants are usually their ancestor cemetery. According to the Taaloki ethnic, all land is land owned by family because they have cultivated them directly or due to inheritance. According to Wibowo (2000) technology development and modernization has brought capital ideology and economic pressure as well as dominance to the local community both farmers and small fishermen. The pressures include: capital source control, production sources control and market control. The Taaloki ethnic works as farmers or traditional fishermen and they could not develop since they perform traditional processing pattern. On the other hand, they do not have access to capital to adapt to the technology. As a consequence, there is a significant gap between them and the dominating village elites who are not from the ethnic. Easiness to obtain production factors has not used to empower the Taaloki ethnic in the circle of other ethnics despite the advancement in the information technology that has entered their life. The condition is difficult. In addition, economic factor or money could act as an agent that causes social change and cultural transformation. The socio-economic situation of the ethnic is different to the opinion of Bloch dan Parry (1995) that views money as related to the promotion of individualism development and able to destroy community solidarity. Therefore, according to Vlasov dan Kiseleva (2017) organizational policy must orient to ideology transformation and becomes a methodology of problem solving.
4. CONCLUSION
The history of the Taaloki ethnic is originated from Bungku, Central Sulawesi. They migrated to Buton Sultanate in the end of the 16th century. They left their homeland due to war. In the middle of the 18th century they moved to Kampung Wakalambe. The next migration occurred in 1906 to Maligano due to a disease outbreak in Wakalambe. The ethnic socio-cultural life is still traditional and magic-religious. The ethnic has a close relation with their environment. They have an opinion that life in this world is not free; thus they must maintain a balance and harmony with the cosmos. They opine that in their effort to maintain a balance with the cosmos, they usually guide by habits from their ancestors that passed for generations. This view complicates them to be free from the helplessness circle in the middle of information technology advancement. The lag of the ethnic is illustrated with their condition where among 1,261 of Maligano Village population, only four people from the ethnic who hold a bachelor’s degree. The ethnic socio-economic condition is closely related to farming. Land cultivation for rice planting is in a nomadic way. Almost every phase of farming from soil cultivation up to picking time has religious ceremony to worship the Rice Goddess. Protein is obtained by raising cattle, goat and chicken, fishing, hunting deer and anoa and catching a variety of birds.
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